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Berman has sensitive aesthetic as well as political antennas. For him, style makes the man. Berman pursue his philosophical prey is a bit like playing an academic version of a first-person-shooter video game: Modern Warfare: Bandit Pundit Edition. Being inside Mr. Yet his own book has no foot- or endnotes at all. His litany of charges against the elusive Mr.

Ramadan is largely circumstantial, although it must be said that the pile he amasses is plenty damning. Finally, Mr. Fascist is pungent. He is a liberal hawk who supported the invasion of Iraq, about which he deployed that particular f-word as well. Yet fascism is a radioactive word that requires careful handling. But this bracing and volatile book is an important one and devastating in its conclusions about the secret history of some Islamists and especially about the reception of Ayaan Hirsi Ali. Tell us what you think. Please upgrade your browser. See next articles. Newsletter Sign Up Continue reading the main story Please verify you're not a robot by clicking the box.

Invalid email address. Please re-enter. But under the Seljuq dynasty, Nizamiyah colleges repudiated rationalism and independent inquiry. After the drone attacks on two oil plants in Saudi Arabia, U. President Trump warned that the USA was ready with a "loaded" weapon to react to the attacks.

The Flight of the Intellectuals

But against whom is Non-fiction: "War in Syria. Resolving a global conflict" Refuting the populist mantra "Syrians go home" Middle East expert Kristin Helberg has published an authoritative book on Syria. In it, she explains why the conflict there is by no means over. In her home country of Germany, Identity politics in the West Islam — no longer the bogeyman The champions of white identity are re-grouping.

In the West hostility towards Islam has had its day. It is now being absorbed into common or garden racism, says Stefan Buchen in Interview with film director Schokofeh Kamiz "I was surprised she wasn't a bigger sensation" In early , Pakistani activist Sabeen Mahmud organised an event on missing Balochi activists in her cafe. Later that day, she was killed by two men on the streets of Karachi.

Interview with Iranian author Amir Hassan Cheheltan "Literature is based on politics and eroticism" Amir Hassan Cheheltan has not published a novel in Iran in 15 years. The year-old author does intend to refrain from writing either about politics or eroticism, as censorship In submitting this comment, the reader accepts the following terms and conditions: Qantara.

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Realism, Islamism, and Counterterrorism :: Middle East Forum

Leave this field blank. Comments for this article: Don't blame it on al-Ghazali. Comments on this article by Hassan Hassan Mr. Sonja Brentjes Reply I refer to the comment made by the esteemed reader "Brentjes, Sonja" above. Otherwise, I respect your opinion.

Muslim Intellectual: Rahaf's flight to Canada, an example for women

Thanks for the discussion. Hassan Hassan Puts a new Very informative. Tariq Masood JustMyself Why is this so? Why do so many Muslims leave Muslim lands to live in Christian lands? David Sea Simplification I have barely scratched the surface on this subject.

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Mark LaJoie Ghazali It is interesting how Persians were so influential and central in the Islamic civilization. Stefan What does science measure? Curious Scientific progress It is yet again unfortunate to see comments like the one from Curious. Adi Sources I am doing some research on this topic and how and what were the reasons of the decline of the intellectual society and I was wondering if you could help me or provide me with the sources you used to write this article.


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How should Western intellectuals respond to Muslim scholars?

The decline of Islamic scientific thought Don't blame it on al-Ghazali. Social media and networks. Subscribe to our newsletter. Takfiri ideology entered into neither of these attacks. Radical Islamism was the ideological underpinning— Islamism , meaning the revolutionary political movement that invokes Islam as its justification.


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And so, neither the High Commissioner nor the Iranian representative managed to condemn by name the Islamist ideology that had just produced a bloodbath in Paris. I was struck by the response of Ghida Fakhry Khane, the moderator. Her quarrel with me offers the liveliest moment on the video. And I, in at least one of my replies, pretty much missed her point. I wanted to stress that calling a spade a spade was not going to inflame the already-flamed Islamist fanatics. But she had something else in mind.

These are the fanatics of an anti-Islam intolerance, the various movements or currents of the extreme right or not-so-extreme right in the United States and in Europe that are motivated by a doctrine of their own, which is an irrational fear of Islam, or Islamophobia. An ignorant bigotry.

I never did respond adequately to her objection. Even so, this exchange goes to the heart of the debate over Islamist terror. And the Islamists believe that Jews have been conspiring against Islam forever, and this is because treachery is the Jewish nature. And the Islamists wish to defend Islam. Such is their argument.

But there is a nonextremist way of entertaining a slightly different but ultimately similar view, minus the pop-eyed conspiracy theory. This is the view that glances around the world and concludes that, on a global scale, tremendous pressures and hatreds are being mounted against the Muslims, and the pressures and hatreds derive from an irrational fear of Islam, or what is called Islamophobia.

A bigotry. People who entertain this second view may think of themselves as moderates and as the enemies of Islamist extremism—as people who are afraid of revolutionary Islamism. But mostly they are afraid of an outbreak of irrational hatred of Islam. When they hear someone speaking about the Islamist political movement or about the Islamic roots of terror, they begin to worry that any such discussion may serve as one more match thrown on the combustible piles of Islamophobia.

I do not mean to attribute the view I have just outlined to my sophisticated interlocutors at the U. But I do think that, around the world, a good many people cling to this view, and its influence on the public debate is substantial, which means that it requires a proper response. Only this cannot be a simple response. To people who live in fear of extremist Islamophobia, it has to be said: Yes, in different parts of the world, Muslim populations are right now experiencing a hostile pressure that comes at them from non-Muslim populations of various sorts—the product of Hindu-Muslim tensions in India, of Christian-Muslim tensions in Africa, of Jewish-Arab land disputes in Israel and Palestine, and so forth, unto the political tensions of China and the sundry republics along the southern border of the old Soviet Union.

Muslim immigrants in Europe and North America experience pressures of their own.

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And all of these Muslim populations deserve the solidarity of other people, in the degree to which they are victims of injustice. But do these several circumstances around the world add up to a single circumstance—a product of a single prejudice or irrational hatred directed not just at Muslims but at their religion? The word makes me uneasy. The irrational and ignorant anti-Islam bigots certainly do make themselves known—the people who have never heard of the grandeurs of Islamic civilization and would not be capable of hearing of any such thing; the people who go on believing the sort of thing that Dante believed in the 14th century, even if they have never heard of Dante; the partisans of Milosevic-style Serbian nationalism, and so forth.

In America the Ku Klux Klan traditions have never entirely come to an end, as we may have just been reminded. But ignorant bigotries do not suffice to account for the global problems facing Muslims in various parts of the world, except in a few places.